Lesson 2 Grocery Shopping

or more visit

www.ielts.ysapak.com or www.forum.ysapak.com

Lesson 2 Grocery Shopping

or more visit

www.ielts.ysapak.com or www.forum.ysapak.com

Phal - Fruits - Speak English From Urdu - Pakistani Urdu

or more visit

www.ielts.ysapak.com or www.forum.ysapak.com

CS610- Computer Network SOLVED MIDTERM EXAMINATION spring 2010

SOLVED MIDTERM EXAMINATION
spring 2010
CS610- Computer Network
1. No error detection scheme is perfect because transmission errors can affect the additional
information as well as the data. 1
 True
 False
2. In -------------, network occupies the smaller area like a room a floor or a building 1
 LAN
 WAN
 MAN
 None of the given
3. ------------- was especially concerned about the lack of high powered computers. 1
 IEEE
 APRA
 EIA
 None
4. Missing eot indicates sending computer crashed in frame format. 1
5. The -------------term refers to the general concept of a small block of data. 1
 Packets
 Data
 Fram
 None of given
6. CRC can detect more errors than a simple shecksum. 1
 True
 False
7. The network that uses a ------------- , usually consist of a single long cable to which
computer attach. 1
 Star topology
 Bus topology
 Ring topology
 None of the given
8. Local Talk is a LAN technology that employs ------------- 1
 Star topology
 Bus topology
 Ring topology
 None of the given
9. LAN that use ATM tecnology have a ------------- 1
 Star topology
 Bus topology
 Ring topology
 None of the given
10. When an application--------------- data, it makes a copy of the data available to all other
computers on the network. 1
 Broadcasting
 Multicasting
 Unicasting
 None of the given
11. Formally named --------------- informally known as thin wire ethernet or thin net. 1
 10 Base 2
 10 Base 5
 10 Base T
 None of the given
12. A bridge uses --------------- to determine which computer is connected to which segment,
and uses the --------------- to determine whether to forward a copy of frame. 1
 Source address, destination adress.
 Destination adress, destination address.
 Destination adress, source address.
 source adress, source address.
13. A Bridge can ---------------. 1
 Filter a frame.
 Forward a frame.
 Extend LAN.
 All of the given.
14. Most WAN systems include a mechanism that can be used to eliminate the common case
of duplication routing is called___________ 1
 Hierarchal address
 Default route
 Shortest route
 None of the given
15. __________is used for compressed audio and video where the data rate depends on the
level of compression that can be achieved. 1
 Constant Bit Rate (CBR) service
 Variable Bit Rate (VBR) service
 Available Bit Rate (ABR) service
 None of the given
16. ATM assigns each VC a _____________ identifier that is divided two parts to produce a
hierarchy. 1
 21-bit
 22-bit
 23-bit
 24-bit
17. --------------- has a jitter zero 1
 Virtual Private Network
 Isochronous Network
 Asynchronous Network
 None of the given
18. The network with Throughput T and Delay D has a total --------------- bits in transit at a
time. 1
 D + T
 D – T
 D X T
 D / T
19. One repeater ---------------, two repeaters --------------- the maximum cable length
limitation. 1
 Double, triple
 Double, 4 time
 half, triple
 Double, half
20. The length of time required to send a veriable length packet a veriable and does not
require a complicated interrupt scheme to detect complication transmission. 1
 True
 False
21. What is the disadvantages of repeater? 2
ANS
Repeaters do not recognize frame formats, they just amplify and retransmit the electrical
signal. If a collision or error occurs in one segment, repeaters amplify and retransmit also the
error onto the other segments.
22. Why the Conection Oriented Services use the conections identifier instead of full
address? 2
23. What is the logical and physical topology of 10 Base T and token ring network? 3
ANS
LOGICAL TOPOLOGY:
It is defined by the specific network technology.
PHYSICL TOPOLOGY:
It depends on the wiring scheme.
24. How can switched virtual networks be established? 3
25. Write advantages and disadvantages of public and private Networks. 5
ANS
26. A network consist of three pocket switches, what will the next hop forwarding
information found in switch 2? 5
ANS
Total 26 questions
20 McQs 01 Marks each 20
02 short question 02 Marks each 04
02 question 03 Marks each 06
02 question 05 Marks each 10
26 Total Questions 40 Total Marks

IT 430 mid term 2010 100% solved papers

Allama Iqbal

picts of Iqbal

ڈاکٹر سر علامہ محمد اقبال

ڈاکٹر سر علامہ محمد اقبال

ادیب

یدائشی نام

محمد اقبال

تخلص

اقبال

ولادت

9 نومبر 1877ء، سیالکوٹ

وفات

21 اپریل 1938ء، لاہور

اصناف

ادب شاعری

نثر

ذیلی اصناف

نظم

غزل

معروف تصانیف

بانگ درا

بال جبریل

ضرب کلیم

پیام مشرق

ڈاکٹر سر علامہ محمد اقبال (9 نومبر 1877ء تا 21 اپریل 1938ء) بیسویں 

صدی کے ایک معروف شاعر، مصنف، قانون دان، سیاستدان، مسلم صوفی اور تحریک پاکستان کی اہم ترین شخصیات میں سے ایک تھے۔ اردو اور فارسی میں شاعری کرتے تھے اور یہی ان کی بنیادی وجۂ شہرت ہے۔ شاعری میں بنیادی رجحان تصوف اور احیائے امت اسلام کی طرف تھا۔ "دا ریکنسٹرکشن آف ریلیجس تھاٹ ان اسلام" کے نام سے انگریزی میں ایک نثری کتاب بھی تحریر کی جس کو بعض مسلم ممالک میں متنازع سمجھا جاتا ہے جبکہ سعودی عرب میں اس پر پابندی عائد ہے۔ علامہ اقبال کو دور جدید کا صوفی سمجھا جاتا ہے۔ بحیثیت سیاستدان ان کا سب سے نمایاں کارنامہ نظریۂ پاکستان کی تشکیل ہے جو انہوں نے 1930ء میں الہ آباد میں مسلم لیگ کے اجلاس کی صدارت کرتے ہوئے پیش کیا تھا۔ یہی نظریہ بعد میں پاکستان کے قیام کی بنیاد بنا۔ اسی وجہ علامہ اقبال کو پاکستان کا نظریاتی باپ سمجھا جاتا ہے۔ گو کہ انہوں نے اس نئے ملک کے قیام کو اپنی آنکھوں سے نہیں دیکھا لیکن انہیں پاکستان کے قومی شاعر کی حیثیت حاصل ہے۔

اعلیٰ تعلیم

ایف اے کرنے کے بعد آپ اعلیٰ تعلیم کے لیے لاہور چلے گئے اور گورنمنٹ کالج لاہور سے بی اے اور ایم اے کے امتحانات پاس کیے یہاں آپ کو پرفیسرآرنلڈ جیسے فاضل شفیق استاد مل گئے جنہوں نے اپنے شاگرد کی رہنمائی میں کوئی کسر اٹھا نہ رکھی تھی

تدریس اور وکالت

ابتداء میں آپ نے ایم اے کرنے کے بعد اورینٹل کالج لاہور میں تدریس کے فرائض سرانجام دیئے لیکن آپ نے بیرسٹری کو مستقل طور پر اپنایا۔ وکالت کے ساتھ ساتھ آپ شعروشاعری بھی کرتے رہے اور سیاسی تحریکیوں میں بھرپور انداز میں حصہ لیا۔ 1922ء میں حکومت کی طرف سے سر کا خطاب ملا۔

سیاست

1926

میں آپ پنجاب لیجسلیٹو اسمبلی کے ممبر چنے گئے۔ آپ آزادی وطن کے علمبردار تھے اور باقاعدہ سیاسی تحریکوں میں حصہ لیتے تھے۔ مسلم لیگ میں شامل ہوگئے اور آل انڈیا مسلم لیگ کے صدر منتخب ہوئے آپ کا الہ آباد کا مشہور صدارتی خطبہ تاریخی حیثیت رکھتا ہے اس خطبے میں آپ نے پاکستان کا تصور پیش کیا۔ 1931ء میں آپ نے گول میز کانفرنس میں شرکت کرکے مسلمانوں کی نمائندگی کی۔ آپ کی تعلیمات اور قائداعظم کی ان تھک کوششوں سے ملک آزاد ہوگیا اور پاکستان معرض وجود میں آیا۔ لیکن پاکستان کی آزادی سے پہلے ہی 21 اپریل 1938ء (بمطابق 20 صفر 1357ھ) میں علامہ انتقال کر گئے تھے۔ لیکن ایک عظیم شاعر اور مفکر کے طور پر قوم ہمیشہ ان کی احسان مند رہے گی۔ جس نے پاکستان کا تصور پیش کرکے برصغیر کے مسلمانوں میں جینے کی ایک نئی آس پیدا کی۔

شاعری

شاعر مشرق علامہ اقبال حساس دل و دماغ کے مالک تھے آپ کی شاعری زندہ شاعری ہے جو ہمیشہ مسلمانوں کے لیے مشعل راہ بنی رہے گی۔ یہی وجہ ہے کہ کلام اقبال دنیا کے ہر حصے میں پڑھا جاتا ہے اور مسلمانان عالم اسےبڑی عقیدت کے ساتھ زیر مطالعہ رکھتے اور ان کے فلسفے کو سمجھتے ہیں۔ اقبال نے نئی نسل میں انقلابی روح پھونکی اور اسلامی عظمت کو اجاگر کیا۔ ان کے کئی کتابوں کے انگریزی ، جرمنی ، فرانسیسی، چینی ، جاپانی اور دوسرے زبانوں میں ترجمے ہو چکے ہیں۔ جس سے بیرون ملک بھی لوگ آپ کے متعرف ہیں۔ بلامبالغہ علامہ اقبال ایک عظیم مفکر مانے جاتے ہیں

اقبال کی نظموں کا فنی فکری تجزیہ

شکوہ

جواب شکوہ

خصر راہ

والدہ مرحومہ کی یاد میں

تصورات و نظریات

خودی

عقل و عشق

مرد مومن

وطنیت و قومیت

اقبال کا تصور تعلیم

اقبال کا تصور عورت

اقبال اور مغربی تہذیب

اقبال کا تصور ابلیس

اقبال اور عشق رسول

ALLAMA DR. SIR MOHAMMAD IOBAL

Allama Dr. Sir Mohammad Iqbal is one of most outstanding poets, writers, intellectuals and thinkers of modem times. 

Iqbal was born at Sialkot on November 9, 1887. He held a brilliant academic record. He did his Masters in Philosophy from Government College, Lahore and joined there as a lecturer. He left for Europe in 1905 and studied Philosophy and Law at the Trinity College, Cambridge, Lincolin's Inn, London and the Munich University. He was awarded a 'Ph. D' by the Munich University. 

He retu.med home in 1908 and rejoined service in the Government College, Lahore. He resigned after sometime and started practicing Law. He was elected Member of the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1926 for three years. In 1930 Iqbal was elected President of the Muslim League session held at Allahabad. In 1931 he attended the Round Table Conference which met in London to frame a constitution for India and took active Part in its various committees. 

He was the first to give a concrete shape to the Muslim aspirations in India for 'a separate homeland'. In his Presidential Address at the Annual Session of the All India Muslim League at Allahbad (1930) he boldly asserted the Muslim demand for the creation of a Muslim India within India, and said "I would like to see the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sindh and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single State". 

It was Iqbal's fervent appeal which persuaded the Quaid-e-Azam in 1934 to return from England and lead the Muslims of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-continent in their struggle for constitutional rights and it was in his letters to the Quaid"e-Azam that he elaborated his scheme in its political as well as cultural context. He succeeded in convincing the Quaid-e-Azam that Pakistan was the only solution to the Political problems of the Muslims of India, and it was on the foundations laid by Iqbal that the Muslim Leageue's historic Pakistan Resolution of 1940 wa~ ha~rl 

He believed, on the one hand, in the emancipation and freedom of the Muslims of the Indo-P~istan Sub-continent and on the other, he argued for the unity of Muslim nations all-over the world. Iqbal's political philosophy is not atomistic but organic in that it implied the formation of an associaiton of the Muslim countries to betten their own lot and be the upholder of peace and justice throughout the World. His verses in Urdu and Persian and his monumental treatises have been translated into almost all the important languages of the world and found wide recognition in Iran, Turkdy, Egypt, England, France, Germany, Italy, USSR, etc. 

He died on Apri121, 1938 at Lahore and was laid to rest near Badshahi Mosque. An academy named after him has been established by the Government of Pakistan to promote and disseminate the messages and teachings of Allama Iqbal.

Jawab-e-Shikwa By Iqbal

Messages of Allama Iqbal

Allama Iqbal and Pakistan Movement

Allama Muhammad Iqbal was one of the greatest thinkers and poets of the Muslim world. He was not only a sage, a revolutionary poet-philosopher, an extraordinary scholar and harbinger of Islamic renaissance but also a political thinker and ‘seer’ of Pakistan. From the outset he took keen interest in the political situation of India and in 1908 while he was still in England, he was selected as a member of the executive council of the newly-established British branch of the Indian Muslim League. In 1931 and 1932 he represented the Muslims of India in the Round Table Conferences held in England to discuss the issue of the political future of the Indian Muslims

A brilliant intellect from the beginning, Allama Iqbal's devotion to knowledge and intellect verily attributed to his academic achievements:

Bachelor's degree from the Government College Lahore, then another Bachelor's from the Cambridge University, Master's degree from the Punjab University, Law degree from the Lincoln's Inn London, and a PhD from the University of Munich. In recognition to his remarkable scholastic work and extraordinary poetry, the British Crown knighted him in 1922. His works and inspirations cover a wide range of topics, e.g., Religion, Islam, Quran, Philosophy, Metaphysics, Art, Politics, Law, Economics, Universal brotherhood, the Revival of Muslim glory. The Encyclopedia Britannica appropriately entitled him as "the greatest Urdu poet of the century."

Iqbal was immensely inspired with political wisdom and divinely insight. He was deadly against atheism and materialism and discarded the European concept of religion as the private faith of an individual having nothing to do with his temporal life. In his view, the biggest blunder made by Europe was the separation of Church and State. His prophecy that he had made in the following verse of a ghazal written in March 1907:

Your civilization will commit suicide with its own dagger

Because a nest built on a frail bough cannot be durable

came absolutely true in 1914 when the European war broke out because of the European nations’ blunder of separating the Church from the State. In the same ghazal he had also said:

“I will take out my worn out caravan in the pitch darkness of night

Lo! My sighs shall emit sparks and my breath will produce flames.”

This again proved to be a wonderful foresight as in a Presidential Address delivered at the annual session of the all-India Muslim League on December 29, 1930, Iqbal demanded in the best interests of India as well as Islam the creation of a separate homeland for the Indian Muslims. Let us delve into this monumental and historic document of great importance, which like Rousseau’s “Social Contract” is most widely quoted but rarely studied in full. Expressing his views as a student of Islam, its laws and polity, its culture, its history and its literature, Iqbal believed that Islam was “the major formative factor in the life history of Indian Muslims; it adequately furnished those basic emotions and loyalties which gradually unify scattered individuals and groups and finally transform them into a well-defined people, possessing a moral consciousness of their own.” He maintained: “Islam does not bifurcate the unity of man into an irreconcilable duality of spirit and matter. In Islam, God and the Universe, spirit and matter, church and state are organic to each other. For such a group of people, the concept of an Indian nationhood and the construction of a polity on national lines amounted to a negation of the Islamic principles of solidarity and, therefore, not acceptable to Muslims.” Iqbal had no hesitation in saying “if the principle that the Indian Muslims is entitled to full and free development on the lines of his own culture and tradition in his own Indian homeland is recognized as the basis of a permanent communal settlement, he will be ready to stake all for the freedom of India.” He added: “The life of Islam in this country very largely depends on its centralization in a specific territory” and thereby posed a question: “Is it possible to retain Islam as an ethical ideal and reject it as a polity in favor of national politics in which religious attitude is not permitted to play any part.” If the answer to this question was in the negative, it was impossible for the Muslims of India to stay within a secularized and unified political structure.

Iqbal further argued: “The principle that each group is entitled to free development on its own lines is not inspired by any feeling of narrow communalism. There are communalisms and communalisms. A community which is inspired by feeling of ill will towards other communities is low and ignoble. I entertain the highest respect for the customs, laws, religious and social institutions of other communities. Nay, it is my duty, according to the teaching of the Quran, even to defend their places of worship if need be. Yet I love the communal group which is the source of my life and behavior; and which has formed what I am by giving me its religion, its thought, its culture and thereby recreating its whole past, as a living operative factor, in my present consciousness. The religious ideal is organically related to the social order which it has created. The rejection of the one will eventually involve the rejection of the other. Therefore, the construction of a polity on national lines if it means the displacement of the Islamic principles of solidarity is simply unthinkable to a Muslim. This is a matter which at the present moment directly concerns the Muslims of India.”

Taking a broader view of the tedious problem, Iqbal explained: “India is Asia in miniature. Part of her people have cultural affinities with nations in the East and part with nations in the middle and West of Asia. If an effective principle of co-operation is discovered in India, it will bring peace and mutual good will to this ancient land which has suffered so long, more because of her situation in historic space than because of her inherent incapacity of her people. And it will, at the same time, solve the entire political problems of Asia.” Iqbal was cognizant of the fact that: “To base a constitution on the conception of a homogenous India or to apply to India the principles dictated by democratic sentiments is unwittingly to prepare her for a civil war.” Being a poet of peace, love, tranquility and fraternity, Iqbal despised the very idea of a civil war. Hence he was obliged to propound:
“Self-government within the British Empire or without the British Empire, I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single State. The formation of the consolidated North-West Indian Muslim State appears to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of the North-West India. I, therefore, demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim State in the best interests of India and Islam. For India it means security and peace resulting for an internal balance of power; for Islam an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that the Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilize its laws, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and with the spirit of modern times.”
It is apparent from the above that the purpose for the creation of a separate Muslim state was two-fold. It was to end the Hindu-Muslim conflict and also to enable Islam to play its vital role as a cultural force. In the context of the Indian sub-continent commitment to Islam could only be fulfilled by the creation of a separate Muslim state. Iqbal’s address came at the time when Indian Muslims were passing through a great crisis. “To be or not to be” was the only question left before the desperate Muslim nation. Muslim leadership was utterly isolated and demoralized. And the British and Hindus had agreed upon a sinister scheme of constitutional amendments and establishing Hindu Raj under the aegis of the British. Therefore, according to Allama Iqbal the future of Islam as a moral and political force not only in India but in the whole of Asia rested on the organization of the Muslims of India led by the Quaid-i Azam.
It is noteworthy that Iqbal’s proposal for a separate homeland or the Indian Muslims was a bombshell for the British as well as Hindus. Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald was highly displeased with the views expressed by Iqbal. British and Indian circles in the Round Table Conference expressed resentment and termed it as an assault against the idea of an all India constitution being worked out. “The Tribune of Lahore” viewed that Iqbal had torpedoed all chances for a communal settlement. The Hindu Press carried out maligned and raging campaign against him. They used all sorts of abusive epithets like ‘fanatic, mischievous, dangerously prejudiced, venomous, narrow-minded, mean, and a dangerous Muslim of Northern India’.

t was “Inqilab” of Lahore that came to his rescue and wrote a number of articles and editorials in his favor. Here is an excerpt from an editorial entitled “Iqbal’s Victorious March against Hindu Raj” published in its issue on March 17, 1931:
“The truth stands declared. The untruth lies prostate. Hindu machinations have been exposed. Long live the personality that showed light to a Millat that was lost in the magic of deceptive slogans of nationalism and democracy. God willing, this light would remain a constant companion of the Muslims of India till they reach their destination.”
The sentiment of separate entity had its foundations not only in religion and culture but also in history because Muslims had identified themselves as inheritors of the traditions of Muslim supremacy for a millennium. The Hindus who constituted the majority community developed under the banner of the Indian National Congress the concept of composite nationalism supposed to embrace all religious communities, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and the rest. However, the mass of Muslim community could not accept the concept of composite Indian nationalism. Iqbal was singularly the major influence in sharpening and delineating the feeling of Muslim identity and separateness on the basis of religion, history, tradition and culture. He gave his community a message of faith, hope and struggle. He believed in a dynamic rather than static view of life. Self-awareness, which was the corner stone of Iqbal's philosophical thinking, profoundly motivated the rising middle class of the Muslim Community.
Since Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar had expired in January 1931 and Quaid-i-Azam had stayed behind in London, the responsibility of providing a proper lead to the Indian Muslims had fallen on his shoulders till Quaid-i-Azam returned to the sub-continent in 1935. He had to assume the role of a jealous guardian of his nation also because the League and the Muslim Conference had no organization in the provinces and their leaders had lost confidence of and contact with the masses.
During the Third Round-Table Conference, Iqbal was invited by the London National League where he addressed an audience which included among others, foreign diplomats, members of the House of Commons, Members of the House of Lords and Muslim members of the R.T.C. delegation. In that gathering he dilated upon the situation of the Indian Muslims. He explained why he wanted the communal settlement first and then the constitutional reforms. He stressed the need for provincial autonomy because autonomy gave the Muslim majority provinces some power to safeguard their rights, cultural traditions and religion. Under the central Government the Muslims were bound to lose their cultural and religious entity at the hands of the overwhelming Hindu majority. He referred to what he had said at Allah bad in 1930 and reiterated his belief based on cogent reason.
There are some critics within Pakistan and without, who insist that Allama Iqbal never meant a sovereign Muslim country outside India. Rather he desired a Muslim State within the Indian Union: A State within a State. This is absolutely wrong. What he meant was vividly understood by his Muslim compatriots as well as the non-Muslim contemporaries till Quaid-i-Azam returned to the sub-continent in 1935. Nehru and others who knew what Iqbal meant had then tried to refute the idea of Muslim nationalism had no basis at all. Nehru, in particular, observed:
“This idea of a Muslim nation is the figment of a few imaginations only, and, but for the publicity given to it by the Press few people would have heard of it. And even if many people believed in it, it would still vanish at the touch of reality.”
In Iqbal’s poetry, we find a significant symbol, "Deeda-war" (visionary), who may be deemed as Iqbal himself. He could foresee what others could not. A visionary sees the problems or critical phenomena in a long term perspective and develops some sort of cosmic sense. Such individuals, although very rare, change the course of history forever, as indeed Iqbal did. Pakistan owes its existence to Allama Iqbal and the people of Pakistan owe a great deal of gratitude to his extraordinary vision. After the disaster following the Balkan War of 1912, the fall of the caliphate in Turkey, and many anti-Muslim incessant provocations and actions against Muslims in India and elsewhere by the intellectuals and so called secular minded leaders, Allama Iqbal suggested a separate state for the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent so that they can express the vitality and veracity of Islam to the utmost.

After delivering the Allahbad Address the idea of a Muslim State always remained alive in his mind. He was sure that the Muslims of sub-continent were going to achieve for themselves an independent homeland. On 21st March, 1932, in the Presidential address at the annual session of the All-India Muslim Conference at Lahore, Allama Iqbal stressed his view regarding nationalism in India and commented on the plight of the Muslims under the circumstances prevailing in the sub-continent. Having attended the Second Round Table Conference in September, 1931 in London, he was keenly aware of the deep-seated Hindu and Sikh prejudice and unaccommodating attitude. He had observed the mind of the British Government. Hence he reiterated his apprehensions and suggested safeguards in respect of the Indian Muslims:
“In the present address I propose, among other things, to help you, in the first place, in arriving at a correct view of the situation as it emerged from a rather hesitating behavior of our delegation the final stages of the Round-Table Conference. In the second place, I shall try, according to my lights to show how far it is desirable to construct a fresh policy now that the Premier's announcement at the last London Conference has again necessitated a careful survey of the whole situation.”
On June 21, 1937, only ten months before his death, Iqbal wrote in a letter to the Quaid-i-Azam:
A separate federation of Muslim Provinces…is the only course by which we can secure a peaceful India and save Muslims from the domination of Non-Muslims. Why should not the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal be considered as nations to self-determination just as other nations in India and outside India are?”
During the Third Round-Table Conference, Iqbal was invited by the London National League. Addressing huge audience including foreign diplomats, members of the House of Commons, Members of the House of Lords and Muslim members of the R.T.C. delegation, he dilated upon the situation of the Indian Muslims. He explained why he wanted the communal settlement first and then the constitutional reforms. He again stressed the need for provincial autonomy because autonomy gave the Muslim majority provinces some power to safeguard their rights, cultural traditions and religion. Under the central Government the Muslims were bound to lose their cultural and religious entity at the hands of the overwhelming Hindu majority. He referred to what he had said at Allahabad in 1930 and reiterated his belief that before long people were bound to come round to his viewpoint based on cogent reason.
In his dialogue with Dr. Ambedkar, the leader of the Harijans, Allama Iqbal expressed his desire to see Indian provinces as autonomous units under the direct control of the British Government and with no central Indian Government. He envisaged autonomous Muslim Provinces in India. Under one Indian union he feared Muslims would suffer in many respects especially with regard to their separate entity as Muslims. On the issue of fourteen points, Gandhi offered to accept all the Muslim demands laid therein provided their representatives including Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Iqbal opposed the demands of the Depressed Classes for separate electorates. “But it stands to the credit of the great Muslim community that they refused to betray the Depressed Classes and go back upon their signature” as remarked by M. Mondal.
Allama Iqbal's statement explaining the attitude of Muslim delegates to the Round-Table Conference issued in December, 1933 was a retort to Jawaharlal Nehru who had said that the attitude of the Muslim delegation was based on "reactionarism." Iqbal summed up his statement in these words:
“In conclusion I must put a straight question to Pundit Jawaharlal, how is India's problem to be solved if the majority community will neither concede the minimum safeguards necessary for the protection of a minority of 80 million people, nor accept the award of a third party; but continue to talk of a kind of nationalism which works out only to its own benefit? This position can admit of only two alternatives. Either the Indian majority community will have to accept for itself the permanent position of an agent of British imperialism in the East, or the country will have to be redistributed on a basis of religious, historical and cultural affinities so as to do away with the question of electorates and the communal problem in its present form.”
Allama Iqbal's apprehensions were validated by the Hindu Congress ministries established in Hindu majority province under the Act of 1935. Muslims in those provinces were given baleful and dastardly treatment. In his letters to the Quaid-i Azam written in 1936 and in 1937 he referred to an independent Muslim State comprising North-Western and Eastern Muslim majority zones. Now it was not only the North-Western zones only as alluded to in the Allah bad Address.
It was Allama Iqbal who called upon Quaid-i Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah to lead the Muslims of India to their cherished goal. He preferred the Quaid to other more experienced and well-known Muslim leaders such as Sir Aga Khan, Maulana Hasrat Mohani, Nawab Muhammad Ismail Khan, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Nawab Hamid Ullah Khan of Bhopal, Sir Ali Imam, Maulvi Tameez ud-Din Khan, Allama al-Mashriqi and others. But Allama Iqbal had his own reasons. He had explored all the salient features of true leadership in the personality of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah who was destined to guide the Indian Muslims to their goal of freedom. In a convincing tone Allama Iqbal addressed his “Khizr-i-Rah”:
I know you are a busy man but I do hope you won't mind my writing to you often, as you are the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has right to look up for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India, and perhaps to the whole of India. Similar sentiments were expressed by him about three months before his death. Sayyid Nazir Niazi in his book Iqbal Ke Huzur, has stated that the future of the Indian Muslims was being discussed and a tenor of pessimism was visible from what his friends said. At this Allama Iqbal observed:
There is only one way out. Muslim should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it our demands are not going to be accepted. People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defense of our national existence. He continued:
The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims. His fervent zeal and unbounded enthusiasm of Islam fired the imagination of Muslim youth. With a firm conviction in “Islam is itself destiny and will not suffer destiny”, Allama Iqbal in his letter of March 29, 1937 to the Quaid-i Azam had said:
While we are ready to cooperate with other progressive parties in the country, we must not ignore the fact that the whole future of Islam as a moral and political force in Asia rests very largely on a complete organization of Indian Muslims.
After Allama Iqbal’ death in April, 1938, the Quaid acknowledged his debt to the great philosopher in the following words:
“His views were substantially in consonance with my own and had finally led me to the same conclusions as a result of careful examination and study of the constitutional problems facing India and found expression in due course in the united will of Muslim India as adumbrated in the Lahore Resolution of the All-India Muslim League popularly known as the "Pakistan Resolution" passed on 23rd March, 1940.” Matlub ul-Hasan Sayyid stated that after the Lahore Resolution was passed on March 23, 1940, the Quaid-i Azam said to him:
Iqbal is no more amongst us, but had he been alive he would have been happy to know that we did exactly what he wanted us to do. Iqbal was an ailing man when he assumed the leadership of the Punjab Provincial Muslim League in the mid thirties. He operated from his sick-bed. This again is a proof of his intense feeling for his community and his deep involvement in its affairs. The most notable thing about the last two years of Iqbal's life, 1936-1938, as brought out and emphasized by an eminent historian of the period. Dr. Ashiq Hussein Batalvi, is how Iqbal fought against the domination of the feudal landlords in the Provincial Muslim League. He represented the rising middle-class and in fact the mass of the Muslim community. He was acutely conscious of their problems. The Great Depression of the 1930's had its terrible impact on the people of the sub-continent. It is, therefore, not surprising to observe that Iqbal was perhaps the first Muslim leader to draw attention to the economic problem of Muslims as a community. In his letter to Jinnah, Iqbal highlighted his concern for the problem on more than one occasion. In his letter of May 28, 1937, he says. "The problem of bread is becoming more and more acute.” The question, therefore, is how is it possible to solve the problem of Muslim poverty? And the whole future of the league depends on the League's ability to solve this question. If the League can give no such promises I am sure the Muslim masses will remain indifferent to it as before." Having posed the question in such candid terms Iqbal goes on to observe: "After a long and careful study of Islamic Law, I have come to the conclusion that if this system of Law is properly understood and applied, at least the right to subsistence is secured to everybody. But the enforcement and development of the Shariat of Islam is impossible in this country without a free Muslim state of states. This has been my honest conviction for many years and I still believe this to be the only way to solve the problem of bread for Muslims as well as secure a peaceful India".

Iqbal issued numerous statements pertaining to the burning topics of the day relating to various aspects of social, religious, cultural and political problems of India, Europe and the world of Islam. He remained thoughtful about the Muslim Ummah as a whole. He was so eager and anxious for amelioration and liberation of the downtrodden people of Kashmir. It is poignant to observe that an ailing Iqbal, barely six months before his death, was prepared to go to jail on an issue which he thought was a menace both to his religion and his country, and was distressed over the Palestine question:"The Palestine question is very much agitating the minds of the Muslims. We have a very fine opportunity for mass contact for the purposes of the League. I have no doubt that the league will pass a strong resolution on this question and also by holding a private conference of the leaders decide on some sort of a positive action in which masses may share in large numbers. This will at once popularize the League and may help the Palestine Arabs. Personally I would not mind going to jail on an issue which affects both Islam and India. The formation of a Western base on the very gates of the East is a menace to both".
In short, Iqbal was the man behind the idea of Pakistan. His contributions to the Muslim world as one of the greatest thinkers of Islam also stand unparalleled. In his writings, he exhorted people, particularly the youth, to stand up and face the various challenges bravely like an eagle. The central theme and main source of his message was the Qur'an that is a source of foundational principles upon which the infrastructure of an organization must be built as a coherent system of life. According to Iqbal, the only system of life that could be implemented as a living and cultural force is ISLAM because it is based on permanent and absolute values given in the Qur'an. Jinnah, for whom Iqbal evinced a great deal of respect and admiration, was so eloquent in his praise of the great Muslim poet. “He will live”, said Jinnah, “as long as Islam will live. His noble poetry interprets the true aspirations of the Muslims of India. It will remain an inspiration for us and for generations after us.”
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. "Iqbal and the Sub-continents’ Politics", The Political Philosophy of Iqbal, Perveen Shawkat Ali, Lahore, Publisher United, (n.d.)
2. "The Concept of Pakistan", Iqbal, His Political Ideas at the Crossroads, S. Hasan Ahmad, Aligarh, Prinwell Publication, 1979
3. "Towards Pakistan" The politics of Iqbal, Riaz Hussain, Lahore, Islamic Book Service, 1977
4. "Iqbal’s View of Indian History", the politics of Iqbal, Riaz Hussain, Lahore, Islamic Book Service, 1977
5. "Iqbal and Political Awakening in India", Iqbal in Final Countdown, T.C. Rastogi, Delhi, Omsons publications, (n.d.)
6. "Ideology of Muslim Nationalism", Iqbal poet philosopher of Pakistan, Hafeez Malik (ed), London, Columbia University Press, 1971
7. "Iqbal as Architect of Pakistan", Introduction to Iqbal, S. A. Vahid, Karachi, Pakistan Publications, (n.d.)
8. "Iqbal and Jinnah on Issues of Nationhood and Nationalism", Iqbal, Jinnah and Pakistan, C.M. Naim, Syracuse University, 1979.
9. “The Phases of Pakistan’s Political History", Iqbal, Jinnah and Pakistan, C.M. Naim, Syracuse University, 1979.
10. "Presidential Address delivered at the annual session of the all-India Muslim League 29th December, 1930", Speeches Writings and statement of Iqbal, L. A. Sherwani, Lahore, Iqbal Academy Pakistan,1995.
11. "The Role of Iqbal as a Founding Father of Pakistan", Iqbal and Foundations of Pakistan, M.H. Khatana, Lahore, Book Traders, (n.d.)
12. “The Role of Allama Iqbal”, Creation of Pakistan, Justice Syed Shamim Hussain Qadri, Rawalpindi, Army Book Club, 1983.

Role of Allama Iqbal in The Creation of Pakistan

Prelude
Allama Mohammad Iqbal was born on 9th November 1877 in Sialkot. After seeking early education, he was admitted to Government College Lahore, where he obtained M.A. degree in Philosophy. He left for England for higher studies in 1905. In 1907, he obtained the Degree of Doctorate (Ph.D.) from Munich University.
Iqbal's Role in Pakistan Movement

Following are some key areas where Allam Iqbal's role led to Pakistan's creation.
Iqbal's Idea about Nationhood

Allama Iqbal was the greatest philospher and poet of the present era. Alongwith this, he possessed a view about political affairs. He awakened the feeling of Muslim Nationhood among the Muslims of India through his poetry and told them about the propaganda of West about Muslims.

When the Hindu philosphers presented this philosphy that a nation is born throughout the country and when Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madni seconded it, then Iqbal reacted strongly towards it. His thinking and poetry reflect the Two Nation Theory and his poetry awakened the feeling of Islamic nationality among the Muslims of India. This sense of a single unity was a major factor in the creation of Pakistan.
Iqbal's Political Life

Allama Iqbal made his debut in politics when he was elected as the member of Punjab's Legislative Assembly in 1926. During the elections of 1937, when Quaid-e-Azam started the reconstruction of the Muslim Leaague, Allama Iqbal stood besides him. He not only supported Quaid-e-Azam and the Muslim League wholeheartedly, but he also respected Quaid-e-Azam's point of view.
Iqbal and Two Nation Theory

Allama Iqbal firmly believed that the Muslims of India have a separate identity and to protect this identity, the establishment of a separate homeland for the Muslims of India was necessary. On 28th March 1909, he rejected the invitation from the secular party "Minswa Lodge" highligting the fact that:

"I have been a keen supporter of this theory that religious differences in this country should end and even now I practise this principle. But, now I have started to believe that separate national identity for the Muslims and the Hindus is necessary for their survival."

In 1930, in the Annual Session of Muslim League at Allahbad, Iqbal said:

"India is a continent of human groups belonging to different races, speaking different languages and professing different religions. Their behaviour is not at all determined by a common race conciousness. I therefore, demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim state in the best intrest of India and Islam."
Pakistan's Sketch

Allama Iqbal's Presidential Adress at Allahbad in 1930 determined the political path of the Muslims of sub-continent. In his adress, he in clear words said:

"I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sindh and Balochistan been combined into a single state".

He further stated that:

"The formation of a consolidated North-West Indian Muslim State appears to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of the north west India."

Thus, Iqbal demanded a sovereign independent Muslim state even before the Muslim League demanded it in Pakistan's Resolution.
Ideology of Pakistan and Iqbal

Iqbal was strictly against nationalism. He considered all the Muslims to be a part of One Ummah. For him, a Muslim in any part of the world was part of a brotherly relation. He considered nationalism to be a coffin for the Muslim Umma.

Thus, highlighting the limitations and disadvantages of nationalism, Iqbal gave the philosphy of a "Millat-e-Islamia" and this philosphy became the basis of Pakistan's ideology.
Conclusion

In short, the personality of Allama Iqbal has left indelible marks in history. He tried to awaken the Muslims of India through his philosphy, poetry and politics. He gave the idea of independence to the Muslims of India. Iqbal died on 21st April, 1938. He was buried infront of the "Badshahi Mosque" in "Huzori Bagh."

BIBLIOGRAPHY Of Allama Iqbal

1-" Iqbal and the sub – continents’ politics. "The Political philosophy of Iqbal/ Perveen ShawkatAli- Lahore : Publisher united,(N.D) (pp314-18) 2 –" Iqbal and the Genesis of Pakistan. "The political philosophy of Iqbal /Perveen Shawkat Ali- Lahore: publisher United (N.D) (pp330-32) 3- " The Ccept of Pakistan." Iqbal, his political ideas at the crossroads/S. Hasan Ahmad – Aligarh: Prinwell Publication, 1979 (pp6-19) 4- " Towards Pakistan." The politics of Iqbal /Riaz Hussain – Lahore : Islamic book service, 1977 (pp 50-106) 5- " Iqbal,s View of Indian history. "the politics of Iqbal/Riaz Hussain.- Lahore: Islamic book service,1977 (pp133-48 6- " Iqbal: his vision of a muslim home land. "Iqbal studies and Pakistan news papers/T.A.Tasawur.- Lahore: Bazm-e-Iqbal, (N.D) (pp –1-5) 7- "Iqbal and Political awakening in India. "Iqbal in final countdown/T.C.Rastogi.- Delhi: Omsons publications,(N.D)(pp – 92-96) 8- "Ideology of muslim nationalism. "Iqbal poet philosopher of Pakistan/Hafeez Malik (ed).- London:columbia university press 1971(108-135) 9- "Iqbal as architect of Pakistan. "Interoduction to Iqbal /S.A. Vahid.- Karachi: Pakistan publications,(N.D)(pp40-50) 10-"Iqbal, The visionary Jinnnah the techician and Pakistan the reality. "Iqbal, Jinnah, and Pakistan.-syracuse university.1979.(pp-1-10) 11-"Iqbal and Jinnah personalities, perceptions and politics. "Iqbal Jinnah, and Pakistan/C.M.Naim .- Syracuse University.1979.(pp-10-41) 12-"Iqbal and Jinnah on issues of nationhood and nationalism. "IqbalJinnah and Pakistan/C.M.Naim.-Syracuse University.1979.(pp-41-76) 13-"The phases of Pakistan’s political history. "Iqbal,Jinnah and Pakistan/C.M.Naim.- Syracuse University.1979.(pp-145-76) 14-"Iqbal and Jinnah on the two nations" theory. "Iqbal Jinnah and Pakistan/C.M. Naim.-Lahore:Vanguard books (N.D) (pp-37-71) 15-"Iqbal and Jinnah on issues of nationhood and nation- alism."Iqbal,Jinnah and Pakistan/CM.Naim.-Lahore Vanguard books LTD.(N.D) (pp-72 - 98) 16-"Iqbal’s Presidential Address of 1930."Iqbal,Jinnah and Pakistan/CM.Naim.-Lahore:Vangurd books LTD.(N.D) (pp-174) 17-"Presidential Address delivered at the annual session of the all-India Muslim League 29th Deccmber,1930."Speeches Writings and statement of Iqbal/L.A.Sherwani.-Lahore Iqbal Academy Pakistan.1995(pp-3-29) 18-"Presidential Address delivered at the annual Session of the All-India Muslim conference 21st March, 1932."Speeches, Writing and Statements of Iqbal/L.A.Sherwani.-Lahore: Iqbal Academy Pakistan.1995.(pp-30-49) 19-"The role of Iqbal as a founding father of Pakistan. "Iqbal and foundations of Pakistan/M.H.Khatana.-Lahore:book traders.(N.D) (pp-1-18) 20-"The Political environment of the one the eve of Iqbal’s Birth. "Iqbal and foundations of Pakistan/M.H.Khatana.-Lahore:Book traders(N.D) (p-19) 21-"Iqbal’s political philosophies. "Iqbal and foundations of Pakistan/M.H.Khatana.-Lahore: Book traders (N.D)(p-139) 22-"Iqbal’s theory of a muslim state. "Iqbal and foundations of Pakistan/M.H.Khatana.-Lahore: Book traders.(N.D)(p-176) 23- "Ideological orientation of Iqbal’s demand for Pakistan."Index Iqbal Review/Akhtar-un-nisha.-Lahore Iqbal academy Pakistan

Allama Iqbal and the Quaid-i Azam

His views were substantially in consonance with my own and had finally led me to the same conclusions as a result of careful examination and study of the constitutional problems facing India and found expression in due course in the united will of Muslim India as adumbrated in the Lahore Resolution of the All-India Muslim League popularly known as the "Pakistan Resolution" passed on 23rd March, 1940.

Furthermore, it was Allama Iqbal who called upon Quaid-i Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah to lead the Muslims of India to their cherished goal. He preferred the Quaid to other more experienced Muslim leaders such as Sir Aga Khan, Maulana Hasrat Mohani, Nawab Muhammad Isma il Khan, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Nawab Hamid Ullah Khan of Bhopal, Sir Ali Imam, Maulvi Tameez ud-Din Khan, Maulana Abul Kalam, Allama al-Mashriqi and others. But Allama Iqbal had his own reasons. He had found his "Khizr-i Rah", the veiled guide in Quaid-i Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah who was destined to lead the Indian branch of the Muslim Ummahto their goal of freedom. Allama Iqbal stated:

I know you are a busy man but I do hope you won't mind my writing to you often, as you are the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has right to look up for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India, and perhaps to the whole of India.

Similar sentiments were expressed by him about three months before his death. Sayyid Nazir Niazi in his book Iqbal Ke Huzur, has stated that the future of the Indian Muslims was being discussed and a tenor of pessimism was visible from what his friends said. At this Allama Iqbal observed:

There is only one way out. Muslim should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it our demands are not going to be accepted. People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defence of our national existence.

He continued:

The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims.

Matlub ul-Hasan Sayyid stated that after the Lahore Resolution was passed on March 23, 1940, the Quaid-i Azam said to him:

Iqbal is no more amongst us, but had he been alive he would have been happy to know that we did exactly what he wanted us to do.

But the matter does not end here. Allama Iqbal in his letter of March 29, 1937 to the Quaid-i Azam had said:

While we are ready to cooperate with other progressive parties in the country, we must not ignore the fact that the whole future of Islam as a moral and political force in Asia rests very largely on a complete organization of Indian Muslims.

According to Allama Iqbal the future of Islam as a moral and political force not only in India but in the whole of Asia rested on the organization of the Muslims of India led by the Quaid-i Azam.

The "Guide of the Era" Iqbal had envisaged in 1926, was found in the person of Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The "Guide" organized the Muslims of India under the banner of the Muslim League and offered determined resistance to both the Hindu and the English designs for a united Hindu-dominated India. Through their united efforts under the able guidance of Quaid-I Azam Muslims succeeded in dividing India into Pakistan and Bharat and achieving their independent homeland. As observed above, in Allama Iqbal's view, the organization of Indian Muslims which achieved Pakistan would also have to defend other Muslim societies in Asia. The carvan of the resurgence of Islam has to start and come out of this Valley, far off from the centre of the ummah. Let us see how and when, Pakistan prepares itself to shoulder this august responsibility. It is Allama Iqbal's prevision.

Allama Iqbal and Politics

These thoughts crystallised at Allahabad Session (December, 1930) of the All India Muslim League, when Iqbal in the Presidential Address, forwarded the idea of a Muslim State in India:

I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Provinces, Sind and Baluchistan into a single State. Self-Government within the British Empire or without the British Empire. The formation of the consolidated North-West Indian Muslim State appears to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of the North-West India.

The seed sown, the idea began to evolve and take root. It soon assumed the shape of Muslim state or states in the western and eastern Muslim majority zones as is obvious from the following lines of Iqbal's letter, of June 21, 1937, to the Quaid-i Azam, only ten months before the former's death:

A separate federation of Muslim Provinces, reformed on the lines I have suggested above, is the only course by which we can secure a peaceful India and save Muslims from the domination of Non-Muslims. Why should not the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal be considered as nations entitled to self-determination just as other nations in India and outside India are.

There are some critics of Allama Iqbal who assume that after delivering the Allahbad Address he had slept over the idea of a Muslim State. Nothing is farther from the truth. The idea remained always alive in his mind. It had naturally to mature and hence, had to take time. He was sure that the Muslims of sub-continent were going to achieve an independent homeland for themselves. On 21st March, 1932, Allama Iqbal delivered the Presidential address at Lahore at the annual session of the All-India Muslim Conference. In that address too he stressed his view regarding nationalism in India and commented on the plight of the Muslims under the circumstances prevailing in the sub-continent. Having attended the Second Round Table Conference in September, 1931 in London, he was keenly aware of the deep-seated Hindu and Sikh prejudice and unaccommodating attitude. He had observed the mind of the British Government. Hence he reiterated his apprehensions and suggested safeguards in respect of the Indian Muslims:

In so far then as the fundamentals of our policy are concerned, I have got nothing fresh to offer. Regarding these I have already expressed my views in my address to the All India Muslim League. In the present address I propose, among other things, to help you, in the first place, in arriving at a correct view of the situation as it emerged from a rather hesitating behavior of our delegation the final stages of the Round-Table Conference. In the second place, I shall try, according to my lights to show how far it is desirable to construct a fresh policy now that the Premier's announcement at the last London Conference has again necessitated a careful survey of the whole situation.

It must be kept in mind that since Maulana Muhammad Ali had died in Jan. 1931 and Quaid-i Azam had stayed behind in London, the responsibility of providing a proper lead to the Indian Muslims had fallen on him alone. He had to assume the role of a jealous guardian of his nation till Quaid-i Azam returned to the sub-continent in 1935.

The League and the Muslim Conference had become the play-thing of petty leaders, who would not resign office, even after a vote of non-confidence! And, of course, they had no organization in the provinces and no influence with the masses.

During the Third Round-Table Conference, Iqbal was invited by the London National League where he addressed an audience which included among others, foreign diplomats, members of the House of Commons, Members of the House of Lords and Muslim members of the R.T.C. delegation. In that gathering he dilated upon the situation of the Indian Muslims. He explained why he wanted the communal settlement first and then the constitutional reforms. He stressed the need for provincial autonomy because autonomy gave the Muslim majority provinces some power to safeguard their rights, cultural traditions and religion. Under the central Government the Muslims were bound to lose their cultural and religious entity at the hands of the overwhelming Hindu majority. He referred to what he had said at Allahabad in 1930 and reiterated his belief that before long people were bound to come round to his viewpoint based on cogent reason.

In his dialogue with Dr. Ambedkar Allama Iqbal expressed his desire to see Indian provinces as autonomous units under the direct control of the British Government and with no central Indian Government. He envisaged autonomous Muslim Provinces in India. Under one Indian union he feared for Muslims, who would suffer in many respects especially with regard to their existentially separate entity as Muslims.

Allama Iqbal's statement explaining the attitude of Muslim delegates to the Round-Table Conference issued in December, 1933 was a rejoinder to Jawahar Lal Nehru's statement. Nehru had said that the attitude of the Muslim delegation was based on "reactionarism." Iqbal concluded his rejoinder with:

In conclusion I must put a straight question to punadi Jawhar Lal, how is India's problem to be solved if the majority community will neither concede the minimum safeguards necessary for the protection of a minority of 80 million people, nor accept the award of a third party; but continue to talk of a kind of nationalism which works out only to its own benefit? This position can admit of only two alternatives. Either the Indian majority community will have to accept for itself the permanent position of an agent of British imperialism in the East, or the country will have to be redistributed on a basis of religious, historical and cultural affinities so as to do away with the question of electorates and the communal problem in its present form.

Allama Iqbal's apprehensions were borne out by the Hindu Congress ministries established in Hindu majority province under the Act of 1935. Muslims in those provinces were given dastardly treatment. This deplorable phenomenon added to Allama Iqbal's misgivings regarding the future of Indian Muslims in case India remained united. In his letters to the Quaid-i Azam written in 1936 and in 1937 he referred to an independent Muslim State comprising North-Western and Eastern Muslim majority zones. Now it was not only the North-Western zones alluded to in the Allahabad Address.

There are some within Pakistan and without, who insist that Allama Iqbal never meant a sovereign Muslim country outside India. Rather he desired a Muslim State within the Indian Union. A State within a State. This is absolutely wrong. What he meant was understood very vividly by his Muslim compatriots as well as the non-Muslims. Why Nehru and others had then tried to show that the idea of Muslim nationalism had no basis at all. Nehru stated:

This idea of a Muslim nation is the figment of a few imaginations only, and, but for the publicity given to it by the Press few people would have heard of it. And even if many people believed in it, it would still vanish at the touch of reality.

Allama IQBAL AND PAKISTAN MOVEMENT

Although his main interests were scholarly, Iqbal was not unconcerned with the political situation of the, country and the political fortunes of the Muslim community of India. Already in 1908, while in England, he had been chosen as a member of the executive council of the newly-established British branch of the Indian Muslim League. In 1931 and 1932 he represented the Muslims of India in the Round Table Conferences held in England to discuss the issue of the political future of India. And in a 1930 lecture Iqbal suggested the creation of a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. Iqbal died (1938) before the creation of Pakistan (1947), but it was his teaching that "spiritually ... has been the chief force behind the creation of Pakistan."

Iqbal joined the London branch of the All India Muslim League while he was studying Law and Philosophy in England. It was in London when he had a mystical experience. The ghazal containing those divinations is the only one whose year and month of composition is expressly mentioned. It is March 1907. No other ghazal, before or after it has been given such importance. Some verses of that ghazal are:

Your civilization will commit suicide with its own daggers. A nest built on a frail bough cannot be durable.
The caravan of feeble ants will take the rose petal for a boat And inspite of all blasts of waves, it shall cross the river.
I will take out may worn-out caravan in the pitch darkness of night. My sighs will emit sparks and my breath will produce flames.

For Iqbal it was a divinely inspired insight. He disclosed this to his listeners in December 1931, when he was invited to Cambridge to address the students. Iqbal was in London, participating in the Second Round Table Conference in 1931. At Cambridge, he referred to what he had proclaimed in 1906:

I would like to offer a few pieces of advice to the youngmen who are at present studying at Cambridge ...... I advise you to guard against atheism and materialism. The biggest blunder made by Europe was the separation of Church and State. This deprived their culture of moral soul and diverted it to the atheistic materialism. I had twenty-five years ago seen through the drawbacks of this civilization and therefore had made some prophecies. They had been delivered by my tongue although I did not quite understand them. This happened in 1907..... After six or seven years, my prophecies came true, word by word. The European war of 1914 was an outcome of the aforesaid mistakes made by the European nations in the separation of the Church and the State.

Building upon Sir Sayyid Ahmed's two-nation theory, absorbing the teaching of Shibli, Ameer Ali, Hasrat Mohani and other great Indian Muslim thinkers and politicians, listening to Hindu and British voices, and watching the fermenting Indian scene closely for approximately 60 years, he knew and ultimately convinced his people and their leaders, particularly Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah that:

"We both are exiles in this land. Both longing for our dear home's sight!"

"That dear home is Pakistan, on which he harpened like a flute-player, but whose birth he did not witness."